

52
THE NEW SILK ROAD: CHINA’ ENERGY POLICYAND STRATEGY IN THE MENA REGION
SBE, Vol.20, No.1, 2017
ISSN 1818-1228
©Copyright 2017/College of Business and Economics,
Qatar University
favourable position.”
94
China’s other move
has been to diversify its supply sources
by entrusting other oil-rich regions of the
world such as Sub-Saharan Africa and South
America. Although more costly, it could
provide an interesting alternative to unstable
oil markets and allow China for more control
over its energy investments.
VIII. Conclusion
China’s energy policy in the MENA follows
the agenda of the Beijing Consensus and has
mostly been prudent, yet far-reaching. As a
major growing economy, China needs concrete
energy strategy to fuel its continuous growth.
To ensure stable and steady oil supply, China
did not hesitate to diversify its sources in
MENA, sometimes even challenging economic
sanctions in the case of Sudan and Iran. But
China has also been a loyal partner to Saudi
Arabia and both states have found common
interests, strengthening their relationship
overtime. China promised to be a secure oil
importer and Saudi Arabia proved eager to
become a regular oil-exporter. The Beijing
Consensus has been especially appealing to
Saudi Arabia and Iran because both states
are increasingly displeased by the American
approach, which is often seen as too intrusive.
However, Sino-Saudi Arabia and Sino-Iranian
relations are not all that simple. Although Saudi
Arabia and Iran have proven to be perennial
rivals, their expectation regarding their
relationship with China is quite similar: they
both wish to escape from, or at least balance,
Western influence. Saudi Arabia has felt the
growing tensions with the United States on
the issue of global terror while Iran had been
under international sanctions until last year.
Similarly, Sudan was completely isolated after
94 Olimat Muhammad S., China and the
Middle East:
From Silk Road to Arab Spring,
Reprint Edition,
NewYork, Rougtledge, 2015. Pp. 46.
the American government forbade American
companies to invest in the area. In all cases,
China has been a convenient alternative:
Sudan developed its oil industry and obtained
arms from China, Saudi Arabia diversified its
exports by bringing in a new dependent client,
and Iran was able to export its oil during the
sanctions. Consequently, there has been a
gradual shift from the West and diversification
has been the primary focus of both suppliers
and demanders.
As a relatively ‘new’ player in the game, China
has had the opportunity to develop a prudent
strategy, which could succeed in ensuring
the country with a steady flow of oil without
destabilizing its relationship with other powers
in the international arena. While the United
States certainly disagrees with China’s equity
sharing policy, it is not yet fully convinced that
China represents a threat to its national interests
in the region
95
. In fact, although Washington
opted for alternate energy sources such as shale
gas and renewable energy, the United States
remains reliant on Middle Eastern oil supplies.
Accordingly, the United States still prioritizes
political stability in the Middle East for the
sake of its own national security. The United
States has historically been vigorously active
in protecting its energy security in the region,
resulting in plenty of military interventions in
the past. China has opted to maintain its non-
interference foreign policy strategy to date,
aware that the United States is as involved, but
the feasibility of maintaining this approach into
the future is questionable.
Furthermore, findings reveal that while
the United States is a significant player
in the oil arena, China’s rise could slowly
narrow the sphere of American influence in
favour of multilateral relationships between
developing states. However, China does not
95 Ibid. Pp. 62